venerdì 29 marzo 2013

Storia del Tao: Tao sacro e Tao profano


1. APPROSSIMAZIONI: STRUTTURA E MORFOLOGIA DEL SACRO.

1. ‘Sacro’ e ‘profano’.

Tutte le definizioni del fenomeno religioso date fino ad oggi hanno un tratto comune: ciascuna contrappone, a suo modo, il SACRO e la vita religiosa al PROFANO e alla vita secolare. Le difficoltà cominciano quando si vuol delimitare la sfera della nozione di ‘sacro’. Difficoltà di carattere teorico, ma anche pratiche, perché prima di tentare una definizione del fenomeno religioso, occorre sapere da che parte bisogna ricercare I FATTI religiosi, e, soprattutto, quali sono, fra questi fatti, quelli che si lasciano osservare ‘allo stato puro’, cioè che sono ‘semplici’ e il più possibile vicini alla loro origine. Simili fatti, purtroppo, non sono in alcun luogo a nostra disposizione: né nelle società di cui possiamo seguire la storia, né fra i ‘primitivi’, i meno civili. Quasi dappertutto, ci troviamo di fronte a fenomeni religiosi complessi, che presuppongono una lunga evoluzione storica.

D'altra parte, anche la raccolta della documentazione offre notevoli difficoltà pratiche, per due ragioni: 1) anche se ci contentassimo di studiare una sola religione, la vita di un uomo sarebbe appena sufficiente per condurre a termine le ricerche; 2) a chi si propone lo studio comparato delle religioni, non basterebbero parecchie esistenze. Ora a noi interessa appunto lo studio comparato, il solo capace di rivelarci la mutevole morfologia del sacro, da una parte, e del suo divenire storico, dall'altra. Per iniziare questo studio, siamo dunque obbligati a prescegliere alcune religioni, fra quelle registrate dalla storia o rivelate dall'etnologia, e anche certuni fra i loro aspetti e le loro fasi.

Questa scelta, anche sommaria, è sempre operazione delicata. Infatti, volendo definire e delimitare il SACRO, è necessario avere a disposizione una quantità sufficiente di ‘sacralità’, cioè di fatti sacri. L'eterogeneità di questi ‘fatti sacri’, conturbante all'inizio, diventa a poco a poco paralizzante. Perché si tratta di riti, miti, forme divine, oggetti sacri e venerati, simboli, cosmologie, teologumeni, uomini consacrati, animali, piante, luoghi sacri, eccetera. E ogni categoria ha una morfologia propria, densa, ricca e lussureggiante. Ci troviamo così di fronte a un materiale documentario immenso ed eteroclito; un mito cosmogonico melanesiano o un sacrificio brahmanico hanno diritto alla nostra considerazione non meno che i testi mistici di santa Teresa o di Nichiren, un totem australiano, un rito primitivo d'iniziazione, il simbolismo del tempio di Barabudur, il costume cerimoniale e la danza di uno sciamano siberiano, le pietre sacre che incontriamo un po' dappertutto, le cerimonie agrarie, i miti e i riti della Magna Dea, l'instaurazione di un re arcaico o le superstizioni legate alle gemme, eccetera. Ogni documento può considerarsi una ierofania, nella misura in cui esprime a modo suo una modalità del sacro e un momento della sua storia, vale a dire un'esperienza del sacro fra le innumerevoli varietà esistenti. Ogni documento è prezioso per noi, grazie alla duplice rivelazione che compie: 1) rivela una MODALITA' DEL SACRO in quanto ierofania; 2) rivela, in quanto momento storico, una POSIZIONE DELL'UOMO rispetto al sacro. Ecco, per esempio, un testo vedico diretto al morto: ‘Striscia verso la terra, tua genitrice! Possa ella salvarti dal nulla!’. Questo testo ci rivela la struttura della sacralità tellurica; la Terra è considerata come una madre, "Tellus Mater". Ma ci rivela contemporaneamente un certo momento nella storia delle religioni indiane: il momento in cui questa "Tellus Mater" era valorizzata- almeno da un certo gruppo di individui - come protettrice contro il nulla; valorizzazione che la riforma upanishadica e la predicazione del Buddha renderanno caduca.

Per tornare al punto di partenza, ogni categoria di documenti (miti, riti, dèi, superstizioni, eccetera) ci riesce, tutto sommato, egualmente preziosa, se vogliamo arrivare a capire il fenomeno religioso. La comprensione si compie costantemente nella cornice della STORIA: per il semplice fatto di aver davanti ierofanie, siamo in presenza di documenti storici; il sacro si manifesta sempre in una certa situazione storica; le esperienze mistiche, anche quelle più personali e più trascendenti, subiscono l'influenza del momento storico. I profeti ebraici sono debitori agli avvenimenti storici che giustificavano e sostenevano il loro messaggio, e anche alla storia religiosa ebraica, che consentì loro di formulare certe esperienze, eccetera. Come fenomeno storico - e non come esperienza personale - il nichilismo e l'ontologismo di certi mistici mahayanici non sarebbe stato possibile senza la speculazione upanishadica, senza l'evoluzione della lingua sanscrita, eccetera. Questo non significa affatto che qualsiasi ierofania e qualsiasi esperienza religiosa siano un momento unico, irripetibile, nell'economia dello spirito. Le grandi esperienze si somigliano, non soltanto nel contenuto, ma spesso anche nell'espressione. Rudolf Otto ha rivelato somiglianze impressionanti fra il lessico e le formule di Meister Eckardt e quelli di Sankara.

Il fatto che una ierofania è sempre storica (vale a dire, che si produce sempre in situazioni determinate) non distrugge necessariamente la sua ecumenicità. Certe ierofanie hanno un destino locale; altre hanno, o acquistano, valenza universale. Gli Indiani, ad esempio, venerano un albero chiamato "Asvattha"; la manifestazione del sacro in questa specie vegetale è chiara soltanto per loro, perché soltanto essi vedono nell'"Asvattha" una IEROFANIA e non soltanto un ALBERO. Di conseguenza questa ierofania non è soltanto STORICA (come sono, del resto, tutte le ierofanie), è anche LOCALE. Gli Indiani tuttavia conoscono anche il simbolo di un Albero Cosmico ("Axis Mundi"), e questa ierofania mistico-simbolica è universale, perché gli Alberi Cosmici si trovano dappertutto nelle civiltà antiche. Occorre precisare che l'"Asvattha" è venerato in quanto incorpora la sacralità dell'Universo in continua rigenerazione; è venerato, cioè, perché incorpora, partecipa o simboleggia l'Universo rappresentato dagli Alberi Cosmici delle varie mitologie (confronta paragrafo 99). Ma, quantunque l'"Asvattha" si giustifichi con lo stesso simbolismo che compare anche nell'Albero Cosmico, la ierofania che transubstanzia una specie vegetale in un albero sacro è chiara soltanto per i membri della società indiana.

Per citare un altro esempio - stavolta l'esempio di una ierofania superata dalla storia del popolo presso il quale si è prodotta - i Semiti, in un certo momento della loro storia, hanno adorato una coppia divina, il dio dell'uragano e della fecondità, Ba'al, e la dea della fertilità (specialmente della fertilità agraria), Belit. I profeti ebraici consideravano sacrileghi questi culti. Dal loro punto di vista - quello di Semiti che, attraverso la riforma mosaica, avevano raggiunto un concetto più elevato, più puro e più completo della divinità - la critica era pienamente giustificata. Tuttavia il culto paleosemitico di Ba'al e Belit era pur sempre, anch'esso, una ierofania: manifestava - fino all'esasperazione e alla mostruosità - la sacralità della vita organica, le forze elementari del sangue, della sessualità e della fecondità. Una simile rivelazione ha conservato il suo valore, se non per millenni, almeno per molti secoli. Questa ierofania cessò di venir valorizzata soltanto quando fu sostituita da un'altra ierofania che - avvenuta entro l'esperienza religiosa di una "élite" - si affermava più perfetta e più consolante. La ‘forma divina’ di Jahvè ebbe il sopravvento sulla ‘forma divina’ di Ba'al; rivelava la sacralità in modo più integrale, santificava la vita senza scatenare le forze elementari concentrate nel culto di Ba'al, rivelava un'economia spirituale nella quale alla vita dell'uomo e al suo destino si conferivano nuovi valori; nello stesso tempo, favoriva un'esperienza religiosa più ricca, una comunione col divino insieme più ‘pura’ e più completa. Alla fine la ierofania jahvista trionfò; e, in quanto rappresentava una modalità universale del sacro, divenne, per la sua stessa natura, accessibile alle altre civiltà; attraverso il Cristianesimo, diventò un valore religioso mondiale. Ne consegue che certe ierofanie (riti, culti, forme divine, simboli, eccetera) sono o diventano in questo modo multivalenti o universali; ve ne sono poi altre che restano locali e ‘storiche’; inaccessibili per altre civiltà, caddero in disuso nel corso della storia di quella società, entro la quale si erano realizzate.

giovedì 28 marzo 2013

sottosistemi del Tao - II


Dopo l'esterocezione e l'interocezione Tart continua la descrizione dei sottosistemi che compongono la coscienza, proseguendo con l'elaborazione degli input prodotti dal mondo esterno (esterocezione) e dal corpo (interocezione):

Subsystems

Input Processing

Before reaching awareness, all input data, whether interoceptive or exteroceptive, normally goes through various degrees of processing. The Input-Processing subsystem consists of a complex, interlocking series of totally automatic processes that compares incoming data against previously learned material stored in memory, rejects much of the data as irrelevant, selects some of them as important enough to deserve further processing, transforms and abstracts these important data, and passes this abstraction along to awareness. Thus, a major function of Input-Processing is rejection. At any given instant, you are generally bombarded by an enormous quantity of sensory data of all sorts. Most of the data is not important in terms of defined needs, such as your biological survival. Since your ability to handle information and awareness is limited, you would be overwhelmed if all this mass of incoming data came through. Instead, you receive a small abstraction of incoming information that is important by personal and consensus reality standards.
Input-Processing is totally automatic. Look at this thing that is in your hands with the question, "What is it?" in your mind. Immediately you see a book. You did not have the experience of seeing a whitish rectangular object with dark spots on it. You did not further experience these spots as being arranged in lines, and the individual spots as having distinctive characteristics, which you then, by painstaking examination, arranged into words and sentences, and so concluded that this was a book in your hands. No, the recognition of this thing as a book was instantaneous and automatic. To demonstrate how automatic the processing is, look at the book again and try to see it as simply a collection of incoming, assorted stimuli instead of as a book.
Unless you have some unusual abilities, you find it very difficult to see this object as anything but a book.
Numerous psychological studies have focused on the way perception is automated. Many of these studies have mistakenly assumed they were studying the "accuracy" of perception. What they were usually studying was the agreement with consensus reality standards for perceiving things. An immediate, automatic perception of socially defined reality is taken as being "realistic" and as a sign of a "good-observer."
Thus, Input-Processing is a learned behavior, probably the most complex a human being has to acquire. Think of the number of connections among stimuli and the number of responses associated with the various stimuli that an infant must learn before he can be said to "think." the task is staggering. The infant must learn to perceive instantly and automatically all major features of consensus reality as his parents, peers, and teachers do. This means that an immense amount of information must be stored in memory (it does not matter whether it is stored in the Memory subsystem or in a special Input-Processing memory) and be almost instantly available to Input-Processing. Total automation of the process is equated with efficiency: if I have to struggle to identify an object, I feel stupid; but if I recognize it right away, I feel competent and smart.
In relation to enculturation process, we discussed the fact that a child has more options for his consciousness than a teenager or an adult. This is another way of saying that the automatization of Input-Processing and its efficiency become comprehensive with increasing age, until by the time we are adults almost everything in our world is instantly recognized and dealt with "appropriately." An adult sees things almost exclusively in a culturally approved way and makes culturally approved responses. Rigidity increases with age: that is what Timothy Leary meant when he said, "Don't trust anyone over thirty." The statement is overgeneralized, but it does contain an important psychological truth: older people are liable to be less able to see things differently from the way they have always been accustomed to seeing them.
Numerous psychological studies show variation in Input-Processing that are related to differences within consensus reality. An early study of perception, for example, showed that poor children tend to perceive coins as physically larger than rich children do. People with strong religious values tend to pick up words and other stimuli relating to religion more readily than they do those relating to economics, and vice versa. People with neuroses or psychoses tend to be especially sensitive to certain stimuli that trigger their neurotic structures and to distort perception in ways that fit these neurotic structures. Projective tests, in which the subject is shown a relatively ambiguous stimulus like an ink blot and asked to describe what he sees, are a way of investigating the underlying structures of Input-Processing. If he repeatedly sees a murdered baby in several different blots, we might begin to wonder about the way he has dealt with aggression in his life or about his feelings toward his parents.
In terms of the basic concepts of attention/awareness, psychological energy, and structure, Input-Processing represents a large number of structures, each specialized in responding to certain kinds of stimulus patterns. It has a certain amount of psychological energy always available, so that this active set of structures almost always stands between you and your sense. Input-Processing is automatized in the sense that the structures always draw energy of some sort when activated and process information in a relatively fixed way before passing this information on to awareness.
The ubiquity of Input-Processing is a main reason I have elsewhere distinguished consciousness from awareness. Some kind of "pure" awareness may be a basic from which we start, but ordinarily we experience consciousness, awareness as it is vastly modified by the machinery of the mind. Here Input-Processing in effects places a number of structures between us and our sensory input, and even our sensory input comes through the Exteroception and Interoception subsystems, which are themselves structures with characteristics of their own. Other subsystems are also structures that modify or pattern basic awareness into consciousness. The systems diagram presented as Figure 8-1 shows awareness in a distinct place, but it really spreads through the various subsystems and so becomes consciousness.
The main function of Input-Processing, then, is abstraction. This subsystem is rather like a vast organization that keeps track of an industry's progress and problems and, through hierarchical chains, passes on only the most abstracted reports to the president of the company.
Input-Processing also generalizes, gives a familiar abstracted output to unfamiliar situations that are reasonably close to particular perceptions that have been learned. Thus you recognize this object as a book even though you have never seen this particular book before: it is similar enough to other books to have label automatically applied to it. This kind of generalization may be greatly affected by dominated needs and emotions: all apples look alike to a hungry man.
Various aspects of Input-Processing can show extremely large changes in various d-ASCs. There are large quantitative changes, that is, the range of continuous changes in various aspects of Input-Processing may be greater or less than in your ordinary d-SoC. Your ability to focus attention on particular percepts, for example, may be quantitatively greater or quantitatively less in various d-ASCs.
There are also many important qualitative changes that may be experienced as entirely new modes of perception. Some of these may be the activation of latent human potentials. Patterns may be seen in ordinarily ambiguous data, making it obviously meaningful. An important effect of marijuana intoxication, for example, is the ability to look at normally ambiguous material, such as the grain pattern in a sheet of wood, and see it as an actual picture. New shades of color are reported in various d-ASCs, new qualities to sound. We shall reserve judgment for the moment on whether these are veridical with respect to the actual stimulating objects.
Apparently fixed properties of perceptual organization may change in various d-ASCs as Input-Processing changes. Carlos Castaneda for example, describes how Don Juan taught him how to turn into a crow while he was intoxicated with a hallucinogenic plant: an outstanding aspect of this experience was that his visual field from each eye became split, so that he had two quite different fields, just as if his eyes were on separate sides of his head, instead of the usual overlapping, integrated field.
Illusions and hallucinations, frequently reported in d-ASCs, represent important changes in Input-Processing. The conventional definition of illusion is a misinterpretation of a stimulus that is actually there, as, for example, when on entering a dimly lit room you mistake a coat hanging on a rack for a person. Hallucination is conventionally defined as a vision of something that is not there at all, as, for example, when on entering the same dimly lit room you see a person, even though the room is empty. While it is easy to distinguish these two extremes, there is obviously a continuum between them: there is always a certain amount of random neural firing in your retina, a "something" there.
In a more general sense, we must realize that "misperception" and "what is and is not there" are usually defined in terms of consensus reality. We may hope that our consensus reality has a high degree of accuracy with respect to physical reality, but to assume automatically that it does is to be very parochial. If one person hears a given piece of music as exceptionally beautiful in its melody, and another hears it as quite common, was the first person suffering an illusion, or was he really more perceptive? We must be particularly careful in dealing with phenomena from d-ASCs that our consensus reality automatically defines as hallucinatory. Should we have so much faith in the conceptual schemes evolved in our ordinary d-SoC that we automatically dismiss anything that does not fit with them? It is bad science to continue to do so.
An illusion, then, is Input-Processing's interpretation of a stimulus in a way that does not match consensus reality standards. Whether the interpretation added by the illusion is a richer and more accurate perception of a stimulus pattern, or a more distorted and less accurate one, varies with individual cases. In terms of d-ASCs we know about, my general impression is that they possess the property of making our perception more accurate in some ways and less accurate in others. A hallucination is a functioning of Input-Processing whereby stored information is drawn from Memory, worked over by Input-Processing, and passed along to awareness as if it were sensory data. The special label or quality that identifies the source of this vivid image as memory is missing; the quality that identifies it as a sensory stimulus is present. Depending on the type of d-ASC, a hallucination may completely dominate perception, totally wiping out all sensory input coming through Input-Processing, or may be mixed with processed sensory data. The intensity of the hallucination may be as great as that of ordinary sensory information, even greater, or less.
An interesting dimension of variability of Input-Processing in d-ASCs is the degree to which it can be voluntarily altered. The degree of control may be high or low. I recall participating in some experiments on the effect of psilocybin, a psychedelic like LSD, when I was a graduate student. While intoxicated by the drug, I had to sort through a batch of file cards, each of which contained a statement of various possible symptoms. If I was experiencing the symptom, I was to put the card in the "true" pile, if I was not, in the "false" pile. I quickly found that I could make almost every statement true if I so desired, simply by reading it several times. I would pick up a statement like "My palms are sweating green sweat," think that would be an interesting experience, reread the statement several times, and then look at my hands and see that, sure enough, they were sweating green sweat! I could read a statement like "The top of my head is soft" several times and feel the top of my head become soft! Thus, while intoxicated with psilocybin my degree of voluntary control over Input-Processing became very large, sufficiently to create both illusions and hallucinations by merely focusing attention/awareness energy on the desired outcome.
Another type of variation that can occur in Input-Processing in d-ASCs is the partial or total blocking of input from exterocepters or interoceptors. The d-ASC of deep hypnosis is an example. One can suggest to a talented, deeply hypnotized subject that he is blind, that he cannot feel pain, that he cannot hear, and experientially this will be so. The subject will not respond to a light or to objects shown him, and both during the d-ASC and afterward in his ordinary d-SoC, will swear that he perceived nothing. His eyes are still obviously functioning, and evoked brain responses recorded from the scalp show that input is traveling over the sensory nerves from his eye to his brain, but at the stage of Input-Processing the input is cut off so it does not reach awareness. Similarly, analgesia to pain may be induced in hypnosis and other d-ASCs.
When input is completely blocked in Input-Processing there may or may not be a substitution of other input. Thus information may be drawn from memory to substitute a hallucination for the actual blocked information. If, for example, a deeply hypnotized subject is told that he cannot see a particular person who is in the room, he may not simply experience a blank when looking at that person (which sometimes happens), he may actually hallucinate that details of the room behind the person and thus see no anomalous area in his visual field at all.
Another important change in d-ASCs is that, experientially, there may seem to be less Input-Processing, less abstracting, so a person feels more in touch with the raw, unprocessed input from his environment. This is especially striking with the psychedelics and is also reported as an aftereffect of concentrative meditation and as a direct effect of opening-up meditation. I know of no experimental studies that have thoroughly investigated whether one can actually be more aware of raw sensory data, but this is certainly a strong experiential feeling. It is not necessarily true, however. Vivid illusions can be mistaken for raw sensory data or (probably what happens) there can be a mixture of greater perception of raw data and more illusion substituted. Whether there is any particular d-ASC in which the balance is generally toward better perception through less abstracting is unknown at present.
Psychedelic-drug-induced conditions are particularly noteworthy for the experience of feeling in contact with the raw data of perception, and this makes perceptions exceptionally beautiful, vibrant, and alive. By contrast, usual perception in the ordinary d-SoC, seems lifeless, abstract, with all the beauty of reality removed to satisfy various needs and blend in with consensus reality.
Also reported in d-ASCs is an experience of feeling more in touch with the actual machinery of Input-Processing, gaining some insight or direct experience of how the abstracting processes work. For example, I was once watching a snowfall through a window at night, with a brilliant white spotlight on the roof illuminating the falling snow. I was in an unusually quiet state of mind (it was too brief for me to decide whether it was a d-ASC), and suddenly I noticed that instead of simply watching white snow fall (my usual experience), I was seeing each snowflake glinting and changing with all colors of the spectrum. I felt strongly that an automated Input-Processing activity that makes snow white had temporarily broken down. Afterward, it struck me that this was likely, for white is actually all the colors of the spectrum combined by Exteroception (eyes) and Input-Processing to the sensation of white. Thus a snowflake actually reflects all the colors of the spectrum, and active "doing" (to use Don Juan's term) on the viewer's part is required to turn it into white. There is no light energy of "white" in the physicist's world. Similarly, persons have reported gaining insights into how various automatic processes organize their perception by being able to see the lack of organization of it or by seeing the alternative organizations that occur.
Synesthesia is another radical change in Input-Processing that sometimes takes place in some d-ASCs. Stimulation of one sense is perceived in awareness as though a different sense had been stimulated at the same time. For example, hearing music is accompanied by seeing colored forms. This is the most common and perhaps the most beautiful form of synesthesia, and is sometimes reported with marijuana intoxication.

All techniques for inducing d-ASCs, except drug or physiological effects that act directly on various bodily functions, must work through Input-Processing. That subsystem mediates all communication. Yet it is useful to distinguish between induction techniques that are primarily designed to disrupt stabilization of the b-SoC in some other subsystem without significantly affecting Input-Processing per se, and those that are designed to disrupt Input-processing directly as a way of destabilizing the b-SoC.
In this latter class is a wide variety of techniques designed to give a person input that is uncanny in terms of the familiar ways of processing input in the b-SoC. The input is uncanny, anomalous in a sense of seeming familiar yet being dissimilar enough in various way to engender a pronounced feeling of nonfitting. Often the events are associated with an emotional charge or a feeling of significance that makes that fact that they do not fit even more important. Don Juan, for example, in training Carlos Castaneda to attain various d-ASCs would often frighten Castaneda or destabilize his ordinary state to an extraordinary degree by doing something that seemed almost, but not quite, familiar, such as simply acting normally but with subtle differences at various points.
The use of uncanny stimuli is not limited to inducing a d-ASC from an ordinary d-SoC.; it can work in reverse. When a person talks about "being brought down" from a valued d-ASC, he means he is presented with stimulation patterns that Input-Processing cannot handle in that d-ASC, so the d-ASC is destabilized, and he returns to his ordinary d-SoC.

sottosistemi del Tao - I

mercoledì 27 marzo 2013

i Luoghi del Tao: Concordia Circle

Concordia Circle (circa 4800 m.) è il luogo di confluenza dei ghiacciai Baltoro e Godwin-Austen, nel cuore della catena del Karakorum, Pakistan, e punto obbligato di passaggio per le spedizioni nella zona da oltre un secolo. Nell'intorno vi è un gruppo impressionante di cime tra le più belle ed importanti del mondo, tra cui quattro ottomila e una serie numerosa di 7000 e 6000.
Vista panoramica da Concordia.
Vista da Concordia della parete sud del K2.
Vista da Concordia del K2 e Broad Peak.
Vista da Concordia della MuztaghTower.
Vista di Concordia verso il gruppo dei Gasherbrum

martedì 26 marzo 2013

il Te del Tao: LI - LA VIRTÙ CHE NUTRE


LI - LA VIRTÙ CHE NUTRE

Il Tao le fa vivere,
la virtù le alleva,
con la materia dà loro la forma,
con le vicende dà loro la completezza.
Per questo le creature tutte
venerano il Tao e onorano la virtù:
venerare il Tao e onorare la virtù
nessuno lo comanda ma viene ognor spontaneo.
Quindi il Tao fa vivere,
la virtù alleva, fa crescere,
sviluppa, completa, matura,
nutre, ripara.
Le fa vivere ma non le tiene come sue
opera ma nulla s'aspetta,
le fa crescere ma non le governa.
Questa è la misteriosa virtù.

lunedì 25 marzo 2013

Tao universale quasi perfetto

Cosmic microwave background seen by Planck
21 March 2013 Acquired by ESA’s Planck space telescope, the most detailed map ever created of the cosmic microwave background – the relic radiation from the Big Bang – was released today revealing the existence of features that challenge the foundations of our current understanding of the Universe.
The image is based on the initial 15.5 months of data from Planck and is the mission’s first all-sky picture of the oldest light in our Universe, imprinted on the sky when it was just 380 000 years old.
At that time, the young Universe was filled with a hot dense soup of interacting protons, electrons and photons at about 2700ºC. When the protons and electrons joined to form hydrogen atoms, the light was set free. As the Universe has expanded, this light today has been stretched out to microwave wavelengths, equivalent to a temperature of just 2.7 degrees above absolute zero.
This ‘cosmic microwave background’ – CMB – shows tiny temperature fluctuations that correspond to regions of slightly different densities at very early times, representing the seeds of all future structure: the stars and galaxies of today.
According to the standard model of cosmology, the fluctuations arose immediately after the Big Bang and were stretched to cosmologically large scales during a brief period of accelerated expansion known as inflation.
Planck was designed to map these fluctuations across the whole sky with greater resolution and sensitivity than ever before. By analysing the nature and distribution of the seeds in Planck’s CMB image, we can determine the composition and evolution of the Universe from its birth to the present day.
Overall, the information extracted from Planck’s new map provides an excellent confirmation of the standard model of cosmology at an unprecedented accuracy, setting a new benchmark in our manifest of the contents of the Universe. 
But because precision of Planck’s map is so high, it also made it possible to reveal some peculiar unexplained features that may well require new physics to be understood.
“The extraordinary quality of Planck’s portrait of the infant Universe allows us to peel back its layers to the very foundations, revealing that our blueprint of the cosmos is far from complete. Such discoveries were made possible by the unique technologies developed for that purpose by European industry,” says Jean-Jacques Dordain, ESA’s Director General.
“Since the release of Planck’s first all-sky image in 2010, we have been carefully extracting and analysing all of the foreground emissions that lie between us and the Universe’s first light, revealing the cosmic microwave background in the greatest detail yet,” adds George Efstathiou of the University of Cambridge, UK.
One of the most surprising findings is that the fluctuations in the CMB temperatures at large angular scales do not match those predicted by the standard model – their signals are not as strong as expected from the smaller scale structure revealed by Planck.

giovedì 21 marzo 2013

Totalità (5 di Bastoni)


Queste tre donne si muovono alte nell'aere, giocando in libertà, eppure all'erta e interdipendenti. In un esercizio al trapezio, nessuno può permettersi di essere un po' assente, neppure per una frazione di secondo. Ed è questa qualità di totale attenzione al momento presente che la carta raffigura. Potremmo avere la sensazione che ci sono troppe cose da fare in una volta sola, e impantanarci nel tentativo di fare qualcosa qui e qualcosa là, anziché risolvere un compito alla volta. Oppure, forse pensiamo che il nostro compito sia noioso, perché abbiamo dimenticato che non è ciò che si fa, ma come lo si fa, ciò che conta. Sviluppare l'abilità di essere totale nel rispondere a qualsiasi cosa si presenti, così come si presenta, è uno dei doni più grandi che si possa fare a se stessi. Fai un passo alla volta nella vita, dai a ogni passo la tua completa attenzione e tutta la tua energia: questo può portare una meravigliosa vitalità nuova e creatività in tutto ciò che fai.

In ogni momento esiste la possibilità di essere totali. Qualsiasi cosa tu stia facendo, fatti assorbire così totalmente che la mente non pensa a nulla, è semplicemente lì, una pura presenza. E la totalità diventerà sempre più grande; il gusto della totalità ti renderà sempre più capace di essere totale. Inoltre, cerca di notare quando non sei totale. Quelli sono i momenti che, pian piano, dovrai lasciar perdere - quando non sei totale. Ogni volta che sei nella testa - pensi, rimugini, fai calcoli, prepari astuzie, furbizie - non sei totale. Pian piano scivola fuori da quei momenti; si tratta solo di una vecchia abitudine. Le abitudini sono dure a morire. Ma muoiono di certo - se hai costanza, muoiono.

Tao Interno Lordo


Dal 2009, per iniziativa del Re del Bhutan già dagli anni 70, è stato introdotto e studiato il concetto dell'indice di Felicità Interna Lorda (FIL) (Gross National Happiness - GNH), basato su nove domini socio-culturali/ambientali e su una serie di 33 indicatori  mappati su 124 variabili, ed applicato alla popolazione del Bhutan.
I nove domini e 33 indicatori dell'indice FIL.
Sebbene non vi sia una singola definizione ufficiale del FIL/GNH, la descrizione seguente è quella ampiamente utilizzata:
L'indice di Felicità Interna Lorda - Gross National Happiness (FIL/GNH) misura la qualità di una nazione in un modo più olistico (del PIL) e crede che uno sviluppo benefico della società umana ha luogo quando lo sviluppo materiale e spirituale accadono affiancati in modo complementare riforzandosi l'uno con l'altro.
Il risultato pubblicato nel 2012 per il Bhutan è un valore di FIL di 0,743, che mostra come il 40,8% della popolazione ha raggiunto la felicità.

Il Dalai Lama è un convinto sostenitore del FIL, dichiarando: «Come buddhista, sono convinto che il fine della nostra vita è quello di superare la sofferenza e di raggiungere la felicità. Per felicità però non intendo solamente il piacere effimero che deriva esclusivamente dai piaceri materiali. Penso ad una felicità duratura che si raggiunge da una completa trasformazione della mente e che può essere ottenuta coltivando la compassione, la pazienza e la saggezza. Allo stesso tempo, a livello nazionale e mondiale abbiamo bisogno di un sistema economico che ci aiuti a perseguire la vera felicità. Il fine dello sviluppo economico dovrebbe essere quello di facilitare e di non ostacolare il raggiungimento della felicità».
Slogan su un muro della School of Traditional Arts in Thimphu.
Source: Personal archive of Italian writer Mario Biondi.

GNH INDEX

Bhutan GNH Index

GNH: Concept
Gross National Happiness is a term coined by His Majesty the Fourth King of Bhutan, Jigme Singye Wangchuck in the 1970s. The concept implies that sustainable development should take a holistic approach towards notions of progress and give equal importance to non-economic aspects of wellbeing. The concept of GNH has often been explained by its four pillars: good governance, sustainable socio-economic development, cultural preservation, and environmental conservation. Lately the four pillars have been further classified into nine domains in order to create widespread understanding of GNH and to reflect the holistic range of GNH values. The nine domains are: psychological wellbeing, health, education, time use, cultural diversity and resilience, good governance, community vitality, ecological diversity and resilience, and living standards. The domains represents each of the components of wellbeing of the Bhutanese people, and the term ‘wellbeing’ here refers to fulfilling conditions of a ‘good life’ as per the values and principles laid down by the concept of Gross National Happiness.

The GNH Index: What is it?
The Gross National Happiness Index is a single number index developed from 33 indicators categorized under nine domains. The GNH Index is constructed based upon a robust multidimensional methodology known as the Alkire-Foster method.
The GNH Index is decomposable by any demographic characteristic and so is designed to create policy incentives for the government, NGOs and businesses of Bhutan to increase GNH. The 33 indicators under the nine domains aim to emphasize different aspects of wellbeing and different ways of meeting these underlying human needs. The 33 indicators are statistically reliable, normatively important, and easily understood by large audiences. The domains are equally weighted.  Within each domain, the objective indicators are given higher weights while the subjective and self-reported indicators are assigned lower weights.

The 2010 GNH Survey:
The Gross National Happiness survey was carried out in 2010 with representative samples taken at district and regional levels. The survey was administered using the GNH questionnaire which gathered data on a comprehensive picture of the wellbeing of Bhutanese. The survey gathered data from 7142 respondents; 6476 or 90.7% of the respondents had sufficient data to be included in the GNH Index.

The 2010 GNH Index: Highlights
The methodology basically provides three types of results: headcount, intensity and the overall GNH index. Headcount refers to the percentage of Bhutanese who are considered happy, and intensity is the average sufficiency enjoyed by the Bhutanese.
  • Headcount = 40.9% – This means that 41% of Bhutanese have sufficiency in six or more of the nine domains and are considered ‘happy’.
  • Intensity = 43.4% -The 59% of Bhutanese who are not considered ‘happy’ lack sufficiency in 43% of the domains. Thus unhappy Bhutanese on average lack sufficiency in just under four domains and enjoy sufficiency in just over five domains.
  • GNH Index = 0.743 – the GNH Index ranges from 0 to 1. A higher number is better. It reflects the percentage of Bhutanese who are happy and the percentage of domains in which not-yet-happy people have achieved sufficiency (headcount and intensity).
What else did the GNH Index reveal about happy people?  Here are some highlights:
  • Men are happier than women on average.
  • Of the nine domains, Bhutanese have the most sufficiency in health, then ecology, psychological wellbeing, and community vitality.
  • In urban areas, 50% of people are happy; in rural areas it is 37%.
  • Urban areas do better in health, living standards and education. Rural areas do better in community vitality, cultural resilience, and good governance.
  • Happiness is higher among people with a primary education or above than among those with no formal education, but higher education does not affect GNH very much.
  • The happiest people by occupation include civil servants and monks/anim. Interestingly, the unemployed are happier than corporate employees, housewives, farmers or the national work force.
  • Unmarried people and young people are among the happiest.